Virtual File - Item

Text: STATE OF MINNESOTA DISTRICT COURT
COUNTY OF RAMSEY SECOND JUDICIAL DISTRICT
Case Type: Other Civil
______________________________________________________________________________
The Ninetieth Minnesota State Senate and Court File No. 62-CV-17-3601
the Ninetieth Minnesota State House of
Representatives,
Plaintiffs,
v. PLAINTIFFS' MEMORANDUM
IN RESPONSE TO ORDER TO
SHOW CAUSE
Mark B. Dayton, in his official capacity as
Governor of the State of Minnesota, and
Myron Frans, in his official capacity as
Commissioner of the Minnesota Department
of Management and Budget,
Defendants.
______________________________________________________________________________
INTRODUCTION
On May 30, 2017, the Governor of Minnesota eliminated the Minnesota Senate and the
Minnesota House of Representatives as functioning bodies with a stroke of his pen. He eliminated
all funding for the core of the legislative branch, its actual elected legislative bodies, for the next
two years. He did so without giving the Legislative branch any recourse, exercising his veto pen
after the Legislature adjourned for the session, stating he would not call them back until they
acceded in his demand that they repeal legislation the Governor had already signed into law.
Plaintiffs Ninetieth Minnesota State Senate ("Senate") and Ninetieth Minnesota State
House of Representatives ("House") bring this action seeking a declaration that Governor
Dayton's May 30, 2017 line-item vetoes of the Minnesota Legislature's funding for fiscal years
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2018 and 2019 violate the Separation of Powers Clause of the Minnesota Constitution. Minn.
Const. art. III, § 1. Plaintiffs further seek injunctive relief or mandamus, directing the
Commissioner of the Department of Management and Budget (MMB) to allot the funds
appropriated to the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. Injunctive relief is necessary to
prevent irreparable harm to the Legislature and the People of the State of Minnesota that will occur
on and after July 1, 2017. Without injunctive relief, Plaintiffs are unable to fulfill their
constitutional obligations, will not be able to represent their constituents, and the People of the
State of Minnesota are deprived of their constitutionally-mandated voice in the administration of
their government. This controversy is justiciable and ripe for adjudication. Plaintiffs respectfully
request judicial relief on or before July 1, 2017.
FACTS AND BACKGROUND
A. The Budget Negotiations and the Line-Item Veto of Funding for the
Legislative Branch.
The Minnesota Legislature concluded the 2017 regular session on May 22, 2017 by
adjourning to February 20, 2018. (Aff. of Cal Ludeman ¶ 9.) Shortly before then, the Legislature
and Governor Mark Dayton reached a tentative agreement on the State's budget for fiscal years
2018 and 2019. The Governor called a special session that began at 12:01 a.m. on May 23, 2017.
(Id.) By May 26, 2017, the Legislature passed a comprehensive and balanced budget for fiscal
years 2018 and 2019. (Id.) The budget included nine appropriation bills and a tax bill. (Id.) The
Legislature adjourned the 2017 special session sine die, and the budget bills and tax bill were
presented to Governor Dayton. (Id.)
On May 30, 2017, Governor Dayton signed all nine budget bills and the tax bill into law.
(Ludeman Aff. ¶ 9.) However, the Governor vetoed two items of appropriation in the Omnibus
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State Government Appropriations bill, Chapter 4, Article 1, Section 2, Subdivisions 2 and 3, the
entire general fund appropriations for the operating budget for the Senate and House:
2018 2019
Subd. 2. Senate $32,299,000 $32,105,000
Subd. 3. House of Representatives $32,383,000 $32,383,000
(Aff. of James Reinholdz Ex. 2, Governor Dayton's Letter to The Honorable Michelle L.
Fischbach at 1, May 30, 2017; Ludeman Aff. ¶ 9.) These two items would have funded Senate and
House operating expenses for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. Notably, the vetoed appropriations
identically matched amounts recommended in the Governor's Fiscal Year 2018-2019 Budget as
presented to the Legislature in January 2017 and again in the Governor's Revised Budget
Recommendations in March 2017. (Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 11, Ex. 3, Governor's Revised Budget
Recommendations for the Legislature at 11, 14, Mar. 27, 2017.) Both before and after the line-item
vetoes, the State budget for the 2018-2019 biennium was projected to be in surplus.
B. The Governor's Rationale for the Line-Item Vetoes
On May 30, 2017, Governor Dayton sent a veto message to President of the Senate
Michelle Fischbach, discussing the legislative appropriations he vetoed. (Reinholdz Aff. Ex. 2.) In
this letter, the Governor offered this rationale for his vetoes:
At the last minute, the Legislature snuck language into the State
Government bill that would hold hostage the Department of Revenue appropriation
in this bill to my signature on the Taxes bill. I am unwilling to put the jobs of 1,300
Department of Revenue employees at risk. As a result of this action, I am line-item
vetoing the appropriations for the Senate and House of Representatives to bring the
Leaders back to the table to negotiate provisions in the Tax, Education and Public
Safety bills that I cannot accept.
(Reinholdz Aff. Ex. 2 at 1.) The Governor attached a separate letter to Speaker Kurt Daudt and
Majority Leader Paul Gazelka, "explaining [the Governor's] reasoning for line-item vetoing the
Senate and House of Representatives' appropriations." (Id.)
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In his May 30, 2017 letter to Speaker Daudt and Majority Leader Gazelka, Governor
Dayton offered no complaint about the size of the appropriations or any other objection to the
appropriations to allow the Legislature to perform its constitutional duties. (Reinholdz Aff. Ex. 2,
Attach., Governor Dayton's Letter to Speaker Daudt and Majority Leader Gazelka at 1, May 30,
2017.) Rather, the Governor acknowledged he line-item vetoed the Legislature's budget due to his
"strong objections" to the Legislature's tax bill. (Id.) The Governor further said "[the
Legislature's] job has not been satisfactorily completed, so I am calling on [the Legislature] to
finish [its] work. However, I will allow a Special Session only if [the Legislature] agrees to
remove" the following five provisions from the omnibus budget bills: (1) the tobacco tax breaks,
(2) the estate tax exclusion increase, (3) the C-I property tax freeze, (4) the driver's license
provision, and (5) the teacher licensure provision.1 (Id. at 1-3.) Each of these provisions is part of
the bills Governor Dayton signed into law on the same day.
C. The Limited Availability of Carryforward Funds to Operate the Legislative
Branch.
As a result of the Governor's line-item vetoes, the Senate and House will have no
appropriations for an operating budget after July 1, 2017. Under Minnesota Statutes, section
16A.281, appropriations to the Senate and House that are not spent during the first year of a fiscal
biennium "may be spent during the second year of a biennium." Minn. Stat. § 16A.281; see also
Minn. Stat. § 16A.28 (explaining the treatment of unused appropriations generally). An
unexpended balance may also be carried forward into the next biennium and used only as follows:
"(1) for nonrecurring expenditures on investments that enhance efficiency or improve
effectiveness; (2) to pay expenses associated with sessions, interim activities, public hearings, or
1 Three of these provisions are from the tax bill and two from other bills.
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other public outreach efforts and related activities; and (3) to pay severance costs of involuntary
terminations." Minn. Stat. § 16A.281.
Unless there is a general fund appropriation to the Senate and House for the fiscal biennium
commencing on July 1, 2017, the only funds appropriated to the Senate and House will be their
respective unexpended balances carried forward into the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. (Ludeman
Aff. ¶ 15-16; Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 17-18.) On July 1, 2017, the Senate is expected to have
approximately $3,900,000 in carryforward funds, and the House is expected to have
approximately $11,300,000 in carryforward funds. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 16; Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 17.)
D. The Impact of the Governor's Line-Item Vetoes on the Legislature.
1. The Senate will cease operations on July 28, 2017.
The Senate consists of 67 elected senators; 205 permanent, full-time staff; and 35
additional "session-only," full-time staff. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 10.) The Senate's average monthly
operating costs for the current fiscal year are approximately $2,558,000. (Id. at ¶ 15.)2 Without an
operating budget, all Senate operations will cease at the close of business on July 27, 2017.
(Ludeman Aff. ¶ 17.) The Senate intends to use its carryforward funds to pay salaries and benefits
to staff through July 27, 2017, and salaries and benefits to Senators through July 31, 2017. (Id.)
Paying these salaries and benefits will consume approximately $1,604,000 of the Senate's
carryforward. (Id.) Beginning on July 28, 2017, the Senate will be forced to furlough 202 of its 205
staff. (Id.)
The planned furlough will allow staff to claim unemployment insurance and to
receive the employer portion of health insurance costs through the end of the
calendar year. This will require the Senate to reserve a portion of the remainder of
2 The average monthly operating costs for the Senate and House do not account for the payment of
obligations to employees that would accrue in the event of layoffs or terminations. (Ludeman Aff.
¶ 15.)
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the carryforward amount to pay: (1) $1,137,000 of the employer portion of health
insurance costs for 202 furloughed Senate staff through December 31, 2017; (2)
$695,000 for unemployment insurance costs for furloughed Senate staff; and (3)
$60,000 for payroll costs for three Senate employees to implement these payments
through November 30, 2017.
(Id.) The Senate will reserve the following amounts from the carryforward account: "(1) $211,000
of the cost of the employer portion of health insurance for Senators through December 31, 2017;
and (2) $270,000 for housing allowances for Senators through January 1, 2018." (Id. at ¶ 18).3
2. The House of Representatives will cease operations on September 1,
2017.
The House of Representatives consists of 134 elected representatives; 232 permanent,
full-time staff; and approximately 50 additional session-only staff. (Reinholdz Aff. ¶¶ 4, 13.) The
House's average monthly operating costs for the current fiscal year are approximately $2,700,000
(Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 16.) Without an operating budget, House operations will cease on September 1,
2017. (Id. at ¶ 18.) The House will use its carryforward funds to pay salaries, benefits, and essential
operating costs through August 31, 2017. (Id.) Paying these salaries, benefits, and essential
operating costs will consume approximately $4,600,000 of the House's carryforward. (Id.)
Beginning on September 1, 2017, the House will be forced to furlough 213 of its 232 permanent
staff. (Id.) These furloughed staff will not be paid but will continue to receive the employer portion
of their health insurance costs. (Id. at ¶ 19.) Furloughed employees will not receive employer
contributions to their retirement plans. (Id.)
The staff furlough will require the House to reserve a portion of the remainder of
the carryforward to pay approximately: (1) $818 thousand of the employer portion
of health insurance costs for 213 furloughed House staff and members through
October 31, 2017; (2) $820 thousand for anticipated unemployment insurance costs
3 The "[p]rovision of the housing allowance payments will prevent personal liability for Senators
who have entered into leases in reliance on the Senate housing allowance." (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 18.)
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for furloughed House staff; and (3) $700 thousand for compensation and essential
operating costs for non-furloughed House staff until January 31, 2017.
(Id. at ¶ 19.) The House will continue to pay House members salaries and lodging expenses
through August 2017. (Id. at ¶ 20.) On October 31, 2017, the House will lay off all furloughed
staff. (Id. at ¶ 21.) This layoff will require the House to reserve $4,300,000 of its carryforward for
required payout of certain accrued paid-time-off and the employer share of health insurance for
employees with at least three years of continuous state service. (Id.)
3. The Senate may default under the Minnesota Senate Building Lease.
The Governor's line-item vetoes will also detrimentally impact the Senate's sublease of the
Minnesota Senate Building ("Senate Building"). (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 13.)4 Under the terms of the
lease, the Senate must make monthly lease payments to the Department of Administration. (Id.)
The funds for these lease payments come out of the Senate's general fund appropriations. (Id.) On
June 30, 2017, the Senate must make a payment of $683,000 to the Department of Administration.
(Id.) On November 14, 2017, the Department of Administration must make a semi-annual rent
payment of approximately $1,911,000 to the MMB. (Id.) On May 14, 2018, the Department of
Administration must make an additional payment of approximately $4,131,000 to the MMB. (Id.)
If the Senate fails to make any of its lease payments when due, MMB may remove persons and
property from the Senate Building. (Id. at ¶ 14.) There will be no appropriations to the Senate to
make any lease payments after the June 30, 2017 payment.5
4 The Department of Administration entered into a lease-purchase agreement for the Senate
Building with the MMB, and subleased it to the Senate. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 13.)
5 The Senate is studying whether it should defer its June 30, 2017 lease payment to conserve funds
for its wind down in July 2017.
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4. The State of Minnesota's credit rating will be negatively impacted
as a result of the Governor's line-item vetoes.
Outright eviction of the Legislature is not the only negative consequence if the Senate fails
to make a lease payment on the Senate Building. The State sold Certificates of Participation
(COPs) to finance construction of the Senate Building. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 13.) MMB uses the lease
payments from the Department of Administration to pay debt service on the COPs. (Id.) On June
15, 2017, Standard & Poor's Global Ratings, a credit rating agency, announced that it put the State
of Minnesota on "CreditWatch with negative implications" for the next 90 days as a result of
Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes. (Ludeman Aff. Ex. 1, S&P Global Ratings, Minnesota 'AA+'
General Obligation Debt Rating On Watch Negative On Nonappropriation Of Certificates of
Participation, June 15, 2017.). The S&P report warns that it "could lower [its] ratings on the [State
of Minnesota] as well as associated ratings by several notches" if this controversy is not resolved
in the next 90 days. (Id. (emphasis added).) Even if this controversy is resolved in the next 90 days,
the S&P report also warns it will likely "revise the [State's] outlook to stable rather than back to
positive because this situation has illustrated a departure from what has been a very strong budget
management and is not commensurate with higher rated credits." (Id.) Any downgrade in the
State's credit rating would cause immediate, long-term, irreparable harm to the State. (Ludeman
Aff. ¶ 19.) It is likely the State's creditworthiness has already suffered irreparable harm. (Id.)
There is no opportunity for a legislative override of Governor's vetoes because the special
session has adjourned sine die. Minn. Const. art. IV, § 12. Only the Governor has authority to call
a special session. Id. And the Governor said he will not call a special session unless the Legislature
removes five provisions from the bills he signed into law. (Reinholdz Aff. Ex. 2, Attach. at 1-3.)
The Legislature is not scheduled to meet in session again until the 2018 regular session begins on
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February 20, 2018. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 9.) By then, however, the Senate and House will have
exhausted all available carryforward funds.
Finally, without an appropriation for fiscal years 2018 and 2019, the Legislature will not be
able to meet in session in 2019 to enact a budget for fiscal years 2020 and 2021.
E. The Core Functions of the Legislature.
The Senate and House members are the directly elected representatives of the People of the
State of Minnesota, acting as the Peoples' voice in State government. The core functions of the
Legislature include, among other things, communicating with constituents and crafting legislation.
(Ludeman Aff. ¶¶ 4-5; Reinholdz Aff. ¶¶ 5-6.)
Legislators are elected to represent constituents within their districts. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 4;
Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 5.) Communicating with constituents, both during the regular session and the
interim, is a core function of the Legislature. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 4; Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 5.) Constituents
legitimately expect they can contact their legislators at any time to ask questions about pending
legislation, to propose future legislation, and to alert their respective legislators to issues and
concerns with the operation of existing law. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 4.) Legislators rely heavily on
legislative staff to facilitate constituent communication year-round. (Id.) Legislators cannot
represent the will of the people without continuous constituent communication. (Id.)
Crafting legislation is another core function of the Legislature. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 5;
Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 6.) This process is complex and protracted. (Ludeman Aff. ¶ 5.) "Preparing draft
legislation for introduction is often a time-consuming task that depends heavily on partisan and
nonpartisan [legislative] staff, including attorneys, research analysts, and fiscal analysts." (Id.)
During the interim between regular sessions, legislative staff prepares bills for consideration when
the Legislature is in session. (Reinholdz Aff. ¶ 9.)
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DISCUSSION
This dispute involves a justiciable and ripe controversy over whether the Governor can
effectively eliminate the legislative branch with a line-item veto. This Court should grant a
temporary injunction for three significant reasons. First, there is a substantial likelihood that
Plaintiff's' assertion that the Governor's line-item vetoes violate the Separation of Powers Clause
of the Minnesota Constitution will succeed on the merits. The Governor cannot use his line-item
veto authority to eliminate all funding for the legislative branch after it has adjourned for the
session. Second, Plaintiffs and the People of this State will suffer great and irreparable harm
without immediate judicial relief. The Governor's vetoes prevent the Legislature from exercising
its constitutional and official powers and duties. The vetoes will also likely cause the State's credit
rating to be downgraded "several notches." Third, Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law. Only
the Governor may call a special session and he will not do so unless the Legislature capitulates to
his demands. If the Court does not grant the temporary injunction, Plaintiffs alternatively seek
mandamus relief compelling Defendant Frans to allot funds to the Legislature so it may perform its
constitutionally-mandated core functions.
I. A JUSTICIABLE CONTROVERSY EXISTS OVER WHETHER THE GOVERNOR CAN
ELIMINATE THE LEGISLATURE WITH A LINE-ITEM VETO.
In its June 14, 2017 Order to Show Cause, the Court raised concern over whether this
controversy is justiciable. Plaintiffs readily satisfy the threshold question of justiciability. "A
justiciable controversy exists if the claim (1) involves definite and concrete assertions of right that
emanate from a legal source, (2) involves a genuine conflict in tangible interests between parties
with adverse interests, and (3) is capable of specific resolution by judgment rather than presenting
hypothetical facts that would form an advisory opinion." Onvoy, Inc. v. ALLETE, Inc., 736 N.W.2d
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611, 617-18 (Minn. 2007); Holiday Acres No. 3 v. Midwest Fed. Sav. & Loan Ass'n of
Minneapolis, 271 N.W.2d 445, 447-48 (Minn. 1978).
Under the Minnesota Constitution, the Senate and House are exclusively responsible for
crafting a budget to fund state government and enacting laws generally. The Minnesota
Constitution unequivocally prohibits another branch from usurping the Legislature's
constitutionally-mandated function. Minn. Const. art. III, § 1; see Otto v. Wright Cty., No.
A16-1634, 2017 WL 2333030, at *9 (Minn. Ct. App. May 30, 2017) (holding that "conflicting
assertions of rights [between state auditor and county government] demonstrate the existence of a
justiciable controversy that is ripe for determination under the Minnesota Declaratory Judgments
Act."); State ex rel. Sviggum v. Hanson, 732 N.W.2d 312, 321 (Minn. Ct. App. 2007) (concluding
the case was no longer justiciable because enactment of retroactive legislation rendered dispute
moot).
"When a lawsuit presents no injury that a court can redress, the case must be dismissed for
lack of justiciability." Sviggum, 732 N.W.2d at 321. "This redressable-injury requirement--and
the corollary rule against advisory opinions--is rooted in constitutional text, the nature of judicial
decision-making, and prudential concerns. The constitutional function of Minnesota courts is to
resolve disputes and to adjudicate private rights." Id. (citations omitted). "Because the nature of
judicial decision-making is to resolve disputes, the 'judicial function does not comprehend the
giving of advisory opinions.' And, as part of our tripartite constitutional structure, the judiciary
must act prudentially to abstain from encroaching on the power of a coequal branch." Id. (quoting
Izaak Walton League of Am. Endowment, Inc. v. Minn. Dep't of Natural Res., 252 N.W.2d 852,
854 (Minn. 1977)) (citation omitted).
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There is a genuine conflict in tangible interests between the Legislature and the Governor.
The injury here is not hypothetical. This dispute involves the constitutionality of Governor
Dayton's line-item vetoes, which violated the Separation of Powers Clause the moment he issued
them on May 30, 2017. Not only did the Governor's line-item vetoes instantly alter the balance of
power between the legislative and executive branches, beginning on July 1, 2017, the vetoes will
prevent the Legislature from exercising its constitutional and official powers and duties during the
2018-2019 fiscal biennium, including enacting a budget during the 2019 regular session for the
2020-2021 fiscal biennium. The Governor's vetoes will wreak significant and widespread
financial harm upon the Legislature and the State as a whole. Employees will be furloughed and
later terminated; the Senate will default on its lease payments for the Minnesota Senate Building;
and the State's credit rating will likely be downgraded "several notches" as a result. These
impending injuries are tangible and significant, and can be avoided by an order from the Court
granting Plaintiffs their requested relief.
The Court is the appropriate authority to determine whether the Governor's use of the
line-item veto power to defund the legislative branch and coerce a legislative outcome exceeds that
constitutional authority. "[T]he Judiciary has a responsibility to decide cases properly before it,
even those it 'would gladly avoid.' " Zivotofsky ex rel. Zivotofsky v. Clinton, 566 U.S. 189, 194-95
(2012) (quoting Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. 264, 404 (1821)). There is a narrow exception to this
rule known as the "political question" doctrine. Id. at 195. A political question may arise "where
there is 'a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political
department; or a lack of judicially discoverable and manageable standards for resolving it.' "
Nixon v. United States, 506 U.S. 224, 228 (1993) (quoting Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 217
(1962)). But the political question doctrine "is one of 'political questions,' not one of 'political
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cases.' " Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. at 217. And "[t]he courts cannot reject as 'no law suit' a bona fide
controversy as to whether some action denominated 'political' exceeds constitutional authority."
Id. Where, as here, a properly filed lawsuit alleges that one branch of government exceeds its
constitutional authority, the court is duty bound to review relevant facts and invalidate executive
action repugnant to the constitution. Id. The very nature of this case is based on the Governor's
self-admitted political actions--not political questions.
The political question doctrine is no bar to the Court determining whether the Governor's
purely political actions exceed his constitutional authority or violate the Separation of Powers
under Article III, § 1. While the Minnesota Constitution commits the power to veto to the
executive branch, a court is not deprived of its responsibility to determine a bona fide dispute as to
whether the exercise of that power exceeds constitutional authority or violates other bedrock
provisions of the Minnesota Constitution such as the Separation of Powers Clause contained in
Article III, § 1. This is made clear by the Governor's self-admitted motivations for employing the
veto to demand removal of five provisions from bills and the seriously detrimental effects those
actions have on the guarantee of a co-equal legislative branch of government under Article III, § 1.
Article III of the Minnesota Constitution expressly forbids the Governor from usurping or
diminishing the Legislature's role. His veto authority cannot be used to abrogate this prohibition.
Minn. Const. Art. III, § 1. As the Supreme Court instructed in Baker v. Carr, "[d]eciding whether
a matter has in any measure been committed by the constitution to another branch of government,
or whether the action of that branch exceeds whatever authority has been committed, is itself a
delicate exercise in constitutional interpretation, and is a responsibility of this Court as the ultimate
interpreter of the Constitution." 369 U.S. at 211 (emphasis added). Thus, the political question
doctrine cannot shield Governor Dayton's unconstitutional actions from judicial review.
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II. PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO A DECLARATION THAT GOVERNOR DAYTON'S
LINE-ITEM VETOES VIOLATE THE SEPARATION OF POWERS CLAUSE OF THE
MINNESOTA CONSTITUTION.
A. An Action for Declaratory Judgment in the District Court Is the Appropriate
Method and Forum to Decide this Controversy.
Minnesota courts "shall have power to declare rights, status, and other legal relations
whether or not further relief is or could be claimed . . . The declaration may be either affirmative or
negative in form and effect; and such declarations shall have the force and effect of a final
judgment or decree." Minn. Stat. § 555.01; see Minn. R. Civ. P. 57 (delineating the procedure for
obtaining a declaratory judgment under Minn. Stat. ch. 555). "The court may refuse to render or
enter a declaratory judgment or decree where such judgment or decree, if rendered or entered,
would not terminate the uncertainty or controversy giving rise to the proceeding." Minn. Stat. §
555.06.
A party challenging the exercise of the Governor's veto power should "petition the district
court for a judicial declaration as to the validity or invalidity of attempted vetoes in accordance
with Minnesota Statute chapter 555, the Uniform Declaratory Judgments Act." Inter Faculty Org.
v. Carlson, 478 N.W.2d 192, 193 (Minn. 1991)6; see Seventy-Seventh Minnesota State Senate v.
Carlson, 472 N.W.2d 99, 99 (Minn. 1991) (dismissing petition asking supreme court to exercise
original jurisdiction to address question of effectiveness of attempted vetoes where substantial
factual dispute existed, and directing parties to recommence action in district court under Minn.
Stat. ch. 555).
6 "In both a technical and practical sense, mandamus will not lie to test the validity or invalidity of
an attempted gubernatorial veto, but instead would compel the performance by various officials of
their duties defined as a consequence of that judicial declaration of validity or invalidity." Inter
Faculty Org., 478 N.W.2d at 193 n.1.
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B. The Roles of the Legislature and Governor in the Budget-Creation Process.
This constitutional dispute stems from the recent budget negotiations between the
Legislature and the Governor. In Brayton v. Pawlenty, 781 N.W.2d 357, 365 (Minn. 2010), the
Minnesota Supreme Court explained the branches' respective roles in enacting the State's budget:
The Legislature has the primary responsibility to establish the spending priorities
for the state through the enactment of appropriation laws. Minn. Const. art. IV, §
22; id. art. XI, § 1. The executive branch has a limited, defined role in the budget
process. The Governor may propose legislation, including a budget that includes
appropriation amounts, which proposals the Legislature is free to accept or reject.
But the only formal budgetary authority granted the Governor by the constitution is
to approve or veto bills passed by the Legislature. See Minn. Const. art. IV, § 23.
With respect to appropriation bills, the constitution grants the Governor the more
specific line-item veto authority, through which an item of appropriation can be
vetoed without striking the entire bill. Id. If the Governor exercises the veto power,
the Legislature may reconsider the bill or items vetoed, and if approved by a
two-thirds vote, the vetoed bill or item becomes law. Id.
Once a bill has been passed by the Legislature and approved by the Governor (or a
veto is overridden), the bill becomes law, and the constitutional responsibility of
the Governor is to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Minn. Const. art.
V, § 3. If this process of legislative passage and gubernatorial approval or veto does
not succeed in producing a balanced budget within the normal legislative session,
the Governor has the authority to call the Legislature into special session. See
Minn. Const. art. IV, § 12.
781 N.W.2d at 365 (emphasis added).
The governor's line-item veto authority derives from Article IV of the Minnesota
Constitution, the Legislative Department Article. Inter Faculty Org., 478 N.W.2d at 194. Given its
origin, the Governor's line-item veto power is neither an executive function nor an affirmative
grant of authority. Id. Rather, the veto power is an exception to the legislature's authority. Id. "As
an exception, the power must be narrowly construed to prevent an unwarranted usurpation by the
executive of powers granted the legislature in the first instance." Id.; Brayton, 781 N.W.2d at 366.
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C. The Separation of Powers Clause.
The Governor's limited line-item veto authority is further constrained by Article III of the
Minnesota Constitution, which provides:
The powers of government shall be divided into three distinct departments:
legislative, executive and judicial. No person or persons belonging to or
constituting one of these departments shall exercise any of the powers properly
belonging to either of the others except in the instances expressly provided in this
constitution.
Minn. Const. art. III, § 1. Besides creating three independent branches of government, the
Separation of Powers Clause expressly prohibits each branch from "usurp[ing] or diminish[ing]
the role of another branch." Brayton, 781 N.W.2d at 365 (citing Minn. Const. art. III, § 1); In re
Civil Commitment of Giem, 742 N.W.2d 422, 429 (Minn. 2007) (recognizing "that where the
constitution commits a matter to one branch of government, the constitution prohibits the other
branches from . . . interfering with the coordinate branch's exercise of its authority."). "Neither
department can control, coerce, or restrain the action or nonaction of either of the others in the
exercise of any official power or duty conferred by the Constitution, or by valid law, involving the
exercise of discretion." State ex rel. Birkeland v. Christianson, 229 N.W. 313, 314 (Minn. 1930).
"[I]t is the duty of each [branch] to abstain from and to oppose encroachments on either. Any
departure from these important principles must be attended with evil." In re Application of Senate,
10 Minn. 78, 81 (Minn. 1865) (internal quotation marks omitted).
Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes violate the Separation of Powers Clause in two
significant aspects. First, the Governor has made clear his intent to coerce the Legislature to revisit
bills that have already become law. His May 30, 2017 letter to Speaker Daudt and Majority Leader
Gazelka confirm the Governor's displeasure with certain provisions in the budget bills presented
to him for signature. Nonetheless, the Governor approved all of the bills and they became law. The
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Governor then line-item vetoed the Legislature's budget for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium and
instructed the Legislature to "finish [its] work." In this situation, the Legislature would be required
to seek majorities to pass new legislation, repealing the very legislation the Governor signed into
law contemporaneously with issuing the vetoes giving rise to this litigation. However, the
Legislature cannot meet in session before the 2018 regular session unless the Governor calls a
special session. And the Governor expressly conditioned calling a special session upon the
Legislature removing five provisions from the bills which the Governor signed. The Governor's
true motivation for his vetoes is further demonstrated by the fact that he did not disagree with the
amounts or character of the appropriations for the House and Senate. In fact, the Governor had
specifically recommended identical appropriations for the Senate and House in his proposed
budget in January and March 2017. The Governor's intent was purely coercive in nature which
violates the Separation of Powers Clause of the Minnesota Constitution.
Second, the Governor's vetoes effectively abolish the Legislature's role in fiscal years
2018 and 2019. This is the relative "evil" encroachment of one branch on another that the
Minnesota Supreme Court warned against over 150 years ago. See In re Application of Senate, 10
Minn. at 81. Although the Governor generally possesses legitimate authority to veto specific items
of appropriation, his line-item vetoes of the Legislature's entire budget for the 2018-2019 fiscal
biennium violate the Separation of Powers Clause of the Minnesota Constitution. Consequently,
the vetoes are unconstitutional, null, and void.
This case is analogous to Brayton which involved a dispute over Governor Tim Pawlenty's
reduction of spending allotments without approval from the Legislature. 781 N.W.2d at 357. In
Brayton, the State faced a projected budget deficit of $4.57 billion. Id. at 359. In response, the
Legislature passed and presented to the Governor appropriation bills for the 2010-2011 fiscal
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biennium that reduced the projected deficit to $2.7 billion. Id. The Governor signed the
appropriations bills into law. Id. On the same day the appropriations bills were passed into law, the
Legislature passed a "revenue bill that would raise taxes to address the $2.7 billion projected
deficit remaining after enactment of the appropriations bills." Id. Governor Pawlenty vetoed the
revenue bill. Id. at 360. "Because the Legislature had adjourned by the time of the veto, the $2.7
billion projected deficit remained. The Governor did not call a special session of the Legislature."
Id.
Article XI of the Minnesota Constitution only allows the State to borrow money for limited
purposes. Brayton, 781 N.W.2d at 360. "As a result, the state's biennial operating budget must be
balanced--that is, expenditures cannot exceed revenues for the biennium." Id. Minnesota Statutes
section 16A.152 (the unallotment statute), provides the executive branch authority to address a
budget deficit, including "authority to reduce unexpected allotments." Id. The Governor approved
"allotment reductions of approximately $2.5 billion on July 1, the first day of the biennium[.]" Id.
at 361. The Commissioner of the MMB then implemented those unallotments. Id.
The district court issued the temporary restraining order, enjoining the defendants from
reducing the allotment to the federal Special Diet Program. Brayton, 781 N.W.2d at 362. It
reasoned:
The authority of the Governor to unallot is an authority intended to save the state in
times of a previously unforeseen budget crisis, it is not meant to be used as a
weapon by the executive branch to break a stalemate in budget negotiations with
the Legislature or to rewrite the appropriations bill.
Id. The defendants appealed, arguing "that the district court erred in concluding the unallotment
authority in subdivision 4 of section 16A.152 can be exercised only for budget deficits unforeseen
while the Legislature was in session." Id.
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On accelerated review, the supreme court affirmed the district court's ruling, concluding
the unallotment at issue exceeded the scope of the Governor's statutory authority. Brayton, 781
N.W.2d at 363. Recognizing the Governor's "limited constitutional grant of gubernatorial
authority with regard to appropriations," the supreme court concluded the Legislature did not
intend "to authorize the executive branch to use the unallotment process to balance the budget for
an entire biennium when balanced spending and revenue legislation has not been initially agreed
upon by the Legislature and the Governor." Id. at 366-67. Instead, the court concluded "the
Legislature intended the unallotment authority to serve the more narrow purpose of providing a
mechanism by which the executive branch could address unanticipated deficits that occur after a
balanced budget has previously been enacted." Id. at 367 (footnote omitted). To construe the
Governor's unallotment authority otherwise, the court explained, "would result in an alternative
budget-creation mechanism that bypasses the constitutionally prescribed process." Id. (footnote
omitted). After concluding the Governor exceeded his authority, the court declared his
unallotment "unlawful and void." Id.
In Brayton, the court held that the Governor's unallotment authority could not be used to
bypass a constitutionally prescribed process for enacting budget legislation. Governor Pawlenty's
use of his unallotment authority in Brayton is analogous to Governor Dayton's use of his line-item
veto authority here. While Governor Dayton possesses limited authority to veto specific items of
appropriation, he cannot use that authority as an extraconstitutional resolution to the budget
enactment process. Governor Dayton has exceeded his limited authority in the budget-creation
process by arbitrarily eliminating all funding for the legislative branch for an entire biennium after
it adjourned for the session, solely for the Governor's stated purpose of resolving disputes
regarding other provisions in budget bills that have been signed into law. Consequently, Governor
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Dayton's line-item vetoes are null and void. Following the approach dictated in Brayton, the two
items vetoed by Governor Dayton are therefore reincorporated into the legislation as passed by the
Legislature and signed into law by the Governor.
D. The Governor's Line-Item Vetoes of the Senate and House Appropriations
Fail to Satisfy the Constitutional Requirement that He Actually "Object to"
the Vetoed Items of Appropriation.
Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes fail to satisfy the Constitution because, as we have
previously discussed, his veto letter makes it clear he does not actually object to the vetoed items
of appropriations, but rather to other unrelated provisions of the bill and other bills. Nowhere in his
veto letter does the governor indicate that he objects to, disapproves of, or opposes the
appropriations to the Senate and House that he actually vetoed. In fact, the appropriated amounts
were identical to his own budget recommendations. Actually objecting to or opposing a particular
item of appropriation is a core requirement of the Governor's limited item veto power under
Article IV, section 23 of the Minnesota Constitution.
1. The Governor's line-item power is to be narrowly construed and may
not be used in "creative" ways beyond its narrow authorization in the
Constitution.
In its two line-item veto cases, Inter Faculty Organization , supra, 478 N.W.2d at 194, and
Johnson v. Carlson, 507 N.W.2d 232 (Minn. 1993), decided two years later, the Supreme Court
explained that this power is "to be narrowly construed so to prevent an unwarranted usurpation by
the executive of powers granted the legislature in the first place." Inter Faculty Org., 478 N.W.2d
at 194.
Thus, the Court should view skeptically efforts to use the power in creative ways or for
unrelated purposes, as Governor Dayton has clearly done here. With these line-item vetoes, the
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Governor does not intend to ultimately negate the appropriations but simply to use vetoing them as
bargaining chips to obtain enactment of unrelated laws.
2. The original language of the line-item veto power explicitly required
the Governor to "object" to items of the appropriation. This
requirement continues to apply and limits the line-item veto power.
The line-item veto power was adopted by the People in 1876. The relevant language
provided:
If any bill presented to the governor contain[s] several items of appropriation of
money, he may object to one or more of such items, while approving of the other
portion of the bill. In such case, he shall append to the bill at the time of signing it,
a statement of the items to which he objects, and the appropriation so objected to
shall not take effect.
Laws 1876, ch. 1, § 1 (emphasis added). The original language was expressed as the Governor
"object[ing]" to the items of appropriation, rather than as vetoing them.7
It is clear that the line-item veto power should be read as continuing to limit the Governor's
use of the power to items the Governor actually "objects" to. When "object" is used as a verb, as it
7 In 1974, the people adopted a constitutional amendment that restructured and rewrote much of
the constitution. Laws 1974, ch. 409. The amendment modified the text of the item veto power
by substituting the term "veto" for "object" each place it appeared in the text of the constitution.
The 1974 amendment, as expressed in its title, was intended to be a "reforming of [the
constitution's] structure, style and form." Id. The fact that the rewriting accomplished by the
1974 amendment was not intended to be substantive is confirmed by the severability clause that
was included in the legislation that submitted it to the voters. It provided:
If a change included in the proposed amendment is found to be . . . other than
inconsequential by litigation before or after the submission of the amendment to
the people the change shall be without effect and severed from the other changes.
The other changes shall be submitted or remain in effect as though the improper
changes were not included.
Id. at § 2 (emphasis added).
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is here, it means "[t]o state in opposition; to put forward as an objection." OBJECT, Black's Law
Dictionary (10th ed. 2014).
Reading the constitutional language as allowing the governor to veto any item of
appropriation, even one he proposed and supported, for an unrelated purpose (to gain bargaining
power over the legislature), does violence both to the intent of the original 1876 constitutional
amendment and the limited purpose (improving organization and readability) of the 1974
amendment. Furthermore, retaining the requirement of stating an objection is necessary to
constrain the power consistently with the approach articulated by the supreme court in Inter
Faculty Organization v. Carlson and Johnson v. Carlson.
Once one recognizes that "objecting" is a core requirement of the use of the constitutional
veto power, it is clear that Governor Dayton's use of the power here, where he has no objection to
the appropriations at issue, exceeds the constitutional limits of the power and must be voided by
the court.
E. This Issue Is Ripe for Adjudication.
As discussed supra in Section I, "[j]usticiability generally requires (1) a genuine or present
controversy (2) presented by persons with truly adverse interests and (3) capable of specific rather
than advisory relief by a decree or judgment. Rice Lake Contracting Corp. v. Rust Env't &
Infrastructure, Inc., 549 N.W.2d 96, 99 (Minn. Ct. App. 1996) (citation omitted). "In declaratory
judgment actions, the 'present controversy' requirement of justiciability is viewed leniently and is
satisfied if there is a controversy of 'sufficient immediacy and reality' to warrant issuance of a
judgment." Id. (quoting Holiday Acres No. 3, 271 N.W.2d at 448) (citing Minn. Stat. § 555.12
(1994) (stating the declaratory judgment statute is remedial: "its purpose is to settle and to afford
relief from uncertainty and insecurity with respect to rights, status and other legal relations; and [it]
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is to be liberally construed and administered"); Harrington v. Fairchild, 51 N.W.2d 71, 73 (Minn.
1952) (same)).
"As Minnesota courts have phrased it, a 'ripening seeds' inquiry replaces the usual 'present
controversy' justiciability inquiry in declaratory judgment situations: if a declaratory judgment
claimant possesses 'a bone fide legal interest which has been, or with respect to the ripening seeds
of a controversy is about to be, affected in a prejudicial manner,' jurisdiction exists." Rice Lake
Contracting Corp., 549 N.W.2d at 99 (quoting State v. Haveland, 25 N.W.2d 474, 477 (Minn.
1946)) (citations omitted).
The Legislature has a bona fide legal interest in exercising its constitutional and official
powers and duties. The Legislature was prejudiced the moment Governor Dayton issued his
line-item vetoes and eliminated appropriations to the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal
biennium. Furthermore, it is likely the Governor's line-item vetoes have already negatively
impacted the State's creditworthiness. The specter of greater, long-term harm will only increase
with time. The Court need not wait until Plaintiffs or the State suffers further prejudice. This
controversy was ripe for adjudication on May 30, 2017, and it will not ripen further with the
passage of time.
III. TEMPORARY INJUNCTIVE RELIEF IS NECESSARY TO MAINTAIN THE SEPARATION OF
POWERS UNDER ARTICLE III OF THE MINNESOTA CONSTITUTION.
Plaintiffs move the Court for a temporary injunction under Rule 65.02 of the Minnesota
Rules of Civil Procedure, compelling Defendant Frans to allot funds that were appropriated to the
Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. "A temporary injunction is an extraordinary
equitable remedy. Its purpose is to preserve the status quo until adjudication of the case on its
merits." Miller v. Foley, 317 N.W.2d 710, 712 (Minn. 1982) (citation omitted). "The party seeking
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the injunction must demonstrate that there is an inadequate legal remedy and that the injunction is
necessary to prevent great and irreparable injury." U.S. Bank Nat. Ass'n v. Angeion Corp., 615
N.W.2d 425, 434 (Minn. Ct. App. 2000) (citing Cherne Indus., Inc. v. Grounds & Assocs., Inc.,
278 N.W.2d 81, 91 (Minn. 1979)). The moving party must demonstrate sufficient grounds exist for
the requested relief by affidavit, deposition testimony, or oral testimony. Minn. R. Civ. P.
65.02(b). The district court has broad authority to grant or deny a temporary injunction. E.g.,
Cherne, 278 N.W.2d at 91.
In determining whether to issue a temporary injunction, the court considers five factors:
(1) The nature and background of the relationship between the parties preexisting
the dispute giving rise to the request for relief.
(2) The harm to be suffered by plaintiff if the temporary restraint is denied as
compared to that inflicted on defendant if the injunction issues pending trial.
(3) The likelihood that one party or the other will prevail on the merits when the
fact situation is viewed in light of established precedents fixing the limits of
equitable relief.
(4) The aspects of the fact situation, if any, which permit or require consideration
of public policy expressed in the statutes, State and Federal.
(5) The administrative burdens involved in judicial supervision and enforcement
of the temporary decree.
Dahlberg Bros., Inc. v. Ford Motor Co., 137 N.W.2d 314, 321-22 (Minn. 1965) (footnotes
omitted).8 These factors, taken together, weigh heavily in favor of granting a temporary injunction.
A. The Parties' Relationship.
This factor examines the parties' relationship before Governor Dayton's May 30, 2017
line-item vetoes. The purpose behind analyzing the relationship between the parties is to determine
8 The Dahlberg "analysis applies equally to temporary restraining orders." M.G.M. Liquor
Warehouse Int'l, Inc. v. Forsland, 371 N.W.2d 75, 77 (Minn. Ct. App. 1985)
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whether injunctive relief will affect the parties' reasonable expectations. Dahlberg, 137 N.W.2d at
322. For over 100 years, the parties' relationship has been characterized by co-equal existence.
Article III of the Minnesota Constitution establishes three co-equal branches of government.
Minn. Const. art. III, § 1. The express purpose of the Separation of Powers Clause is to prohibit
one branch from "interfering with the coordinate branch's exercise of its authority." Giem, 742
N.W.2d at 429; e.g., Brayton, 781 N.W.2d at 365; State ex rel. Decker v. Montague, 262 N.W. 684,
684 (Minn. 1935) ("The constitutional separation of authority into legislative, executive, and
judicial departments forbids interference of one with the other within their respective spheres.").
The legislative and executive branches reasonably expect the other will abide by the
Separation of Powers Clause. Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes of the Legislature's budget for
the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium effectively abolish the parties' constitutionally-mandated
relationship. Accordingly, temporary injunctive relief is necessary to maintain the status quo until
the case can be adjudicated on the merits. This factor therefore weighs in favor of granting a
temporary injunction.
B. The Likelihood of Success on the Merits.
The Minnesota Constitution expressly forbids one branch of government from intruding on
the authority of another. Minn. Const. art. III, § 1. The Governor's use of his line-item veto power,
left unchecked, will effectively abolish a co-equal branch of government. As discussed supra in
Section II, the Governor's May 30, 2017 line-item vetoes are unconstitutional, null, and void. This
factor also weighs in favor of granting a temporary injunction.
C. The Balance of Harms.
An injunction is appropriate if the moving party stands to suffer "great and irreparable
injury without its entry." Metro. Sports Facilities Comm'n v. Minn. Twins P'ship, 638 N.W.2d
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214, 222 (Minn. Ct. App. 2002). The Legislature and the State will suffer tangible, great, and
irreparable harm if the temporary injunction is not granted.
The Legislature suffered a constitutional injury the moment Governor Dayton issued his
line-item vetoes on May 30, 2017. Without a temporary injunction, the Legislature will not be able
to communicate with constituents or craft legislation. The Legislature will no longer be able to
represent the will of the People. The People will be deprived of their constitutionally-mandated
tripartite system of government. These injuries are great and irreparable.
Without a temporary injunction, the Senate will cease operations on July 27, 2017.
Beginning on July 28, 2017, the Senate will be forced to furlough 202 of its 205 permanent staff.
Furloughed staff will go without pay. The Senate will have to pay $695,000 in anticipated
unemployment insurance for furloughed staff. The Senate can only afford to pay the employer
portion of health insurance for furloughed staff until December 31, 2017.
Without a temporary injunction, the House will cease operations on September 1, 2017. On
that date, the House will be forced to furlough 213 of its 232 permanent staff. Furloughed staff will
go without pay for an indefinite period of time. The House will have to pay $820,000 in anticipated
unemployment insurance costs for those staff. The House can only afford to pay the employer
portion of health insurance for furloughed staff until October 31, 2017. On that date, the House
will be forced to lay off all furloughed staff.
Without a temporary injunction, the Senate will likely default on the Senate Building lease.
The Senate must make a $683,000 payment to Department of Administration for the Senate
Building on June 30, 2017. That amount is approximately eighteen-percent of the Senate's
$3,900,000 carryforward funds. If the Senate decides not to make the payment, MMB may evict
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the Senate from the Senate Building. If the Senate makes this payment, it will be forced to furlough
its staff earlier than expected and they will go without pay for a longer period of time.
If the Senate misses a payment on its Senate Building lease, the State's credit rating will
likely be downgraded "several notches." The impact of the Governor's line-item vetoes to the
State's creditworthiness cannot be stressed enough. The State's credit rating is an indicator to
investors of its ability to fulfill its financial commitments. A downgrade in the State's credit rating
will increase interest rates charged by lenders and impair the State's bond market for the
unforeseeable future, including bonds that would otherwise be sold this year to fund projects
authorized in the bonding bill enacted this year. According to the S&P Global Ratings report, the
State's credit rating will likely be downgraded from positive to stable regardless of the outcome of
this controversy. The harm to the State's credit rating caused by the Governor's line-item vetoes is
dire and irreparable.
The Governor will not suffer harm if the Court compels Defendant Frans to allot the funds
appropriated to the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. Although the Governor vetoed
the appropriations to the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium, the funds are still provided
for in the State's budget. The Governor cannot unilaterally reallocate those funds for some other
purpose without legislative action.
The Legislature and the State of Minnesota have already suffered great and irreparable
harm which will only worsen over time if the temporary injunction is not granted. Accordingly,
this factor weighs in favor of granting the temporary injunction.
D. Public Policy Considerations.
The public policy considerations at play in this controversy flow from the Minnesota
Constitution. The Separation of Powers Clause creates three independent branches of government
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and forbids one branch from usurping or diminishing the role of another. Public policy strongly
favors this system of checks and balances. The public interest will therefore be served by issuance
of a temporary injunction to preserve the status quo until the merits of the instant case have been
decided.
E. The Administrative Burden.
The administrative burdens resulting from the injunctive relief sought by Plaintiffs, if any,
will be minimal. A temporary injunction declaring Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes
unconstitutional and compelling Defendant Frans to allot funds to the Legislature will not result in
any administrative burden to enforce and monitor the relief. Thus, this factor also favors entry of
the requested injunction.
F. No Bond or Other Security Should Be Required.
Rule 65.03 of the Minnesota Rules of Civil Procedure provides that a temporary restraining
order or temporary injunction may not be granted "except upon the giving of security by the
applicant, in such sum as the court deems proper, for the payment of such costs and damages as
may be incurred or suffered by any party who is found to have been wrongfully enjoined or
restrained." Minn. R. Civ. P. 65.03. "In the exercise of its discretion, a trial court may waive the
security requirement." Ecolab, Inc. v. Gartland, 537 N.W.2d 291, 297 (Minn. Ct. App. 1995)
(citing Howe v. Howe, 384 N.W.2d 541, 546 (Minn. Ct. App. 1986)).9
Plaintiffs are seeking an injunction declaring Governor Dayton's May 30, 2017 line-item
vetoes unconstitutional and compelling Defendant Frans to allot funds that were appropriated to
9 "To facilitate appellate review, however, a trial court should note its decision to do so." Ecolab,
Inc., 537 N.W.2d at 297 (citing Bio-Line, Inc. v. Burman, 404 N.W.2d 318, 322 (Minn. Ct. App.
1987) (trial court abused its discretion either by failing to address security requirement or by
waiving the requirement without stating its reasons for doing so).
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the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. Plaintiffs should not be required to post a bond
or other security because the Defendants are not at risk of harm should the Motion be granted.
Accordingly, Plaintiffs respectfully request that the Court waive the bond requirements under Rule
65.03.
G. This Issue Is Ripe for Adjudication.
The Legislature has already started planning for the shutdown which has triggered a chain
reaction of negative consequences. For example, the Senate will send out furlough notices on June
28, 2017 to begin furloughing staff on July 28, 2017. The Senate will cease operations on July 27,
2017. The House will cease operations and begin furloughing staff on September 1, 2017. The
Senate must decide whether to make its June 30, 2017 Senate Building lease payment. The State's
credit rating will likely be downgraded "several notches" if the Senate misses that lease payment.
For these reasons and those discussed supra in Section I, this controversy is ripe for adjudication.
IV. THE COURT SHOULD ALTERNATIVELY GRANT MANDAMUS RELIEF.
As an alternative to injunctive relief, Plaintiffs seek mandamus relief compelling
Defendant Frans to allot funds to the Legislature to perform its core functions. "In both a technical
and practical sense, mandamus will not lie to test the validity or invalidity of an attempted
gubernatorial veto, but instead would compel the performance by various officials of their duties
defined as a consequence of that judicial declaration of validity or invalidity." Inter Faculty Org.,
478 N.W.2d at 193 n.1. A "writ of mandamus may be issued to any inferior tribunal, corporation,
board, or person to compel the performance of an act which the law specially enjoins as a duty
resulting from an office, trust, or station. It may require an inferior tribunal to exercise its judgment
or proceed to the discharge of any of its functions[.]" Minn. Stat. § 586.01. As Commissioner of
the MMB, Defendant Frans is responsible for allotting appropriations to the Legislature for its
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operating expenditures. The Court may therefore issue a writ of mandamus to Defendant Frans,
compelling him to allot such funds to the Legislature.
To determine the core functions of the Legislature, Minnesota courts must consider the
functions of the Legislature in the time period preceding and contemporaneous to the 1857
adoption of the Minnesota Constitution. Otto, 2017 WL 2333030, at *4 (citing Mattson 391
N.W.2d at 782 (focusing on framers' intent to determine core functions of state treasurer)). Article
IV of the Minnesota Constitution does not explicitly list the core functions of the Legislature. The
Framers' intent, however, is clear. The Legislature is entrusted with representing the will of the
People. This requires unabridged communication with constituents and crafting legislation. These
are the Legislature's primary, core functions. (See Reinholdz Aff. Ex. 4 at *8 (determining the core
functions of the Legislature include drafting, debating, publishing, voting on, and enacting
Legislation). These two functions occur year-round and require significant investments in time and
resources. The overwhelming majority of legislative staff contributes to these functions on a daily
basis. Defendant Frans must be compelled to allot funds to allow the Legislature to perform these
core functions.
Plaintiffs have no other legal recourse since the regular and special sessions have ended.
Only the Governor can call a special session and he has expressly stated he will not do so unless
the Legislature repeals existing law he disagrees with. Consequently, Plaintiffs have no other
"plain, speedy, and adequate remedy in the ordinary course of law." Minn. Stat. § 586.02.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, Plaintiffs respectfully request that this Court issue a declaration
that Governor Dayton's line-item vetoes are unconstitutional, null, and void, and an order
reinstating the appropriations to the Legislature for the 2018-2019 fiscal biennium. In order to
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